CHAPTER ONE

1.1 GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The practice of democracy in Nigeria over two decade ago has not yielded much needed good governance. This is because democracy is practiced in such a way that responsible and competent people are scared away. Scholars and keen observers have attempted at unraveling the factors militating against translating democracy into good governance, (Adedinpe, 2002). A country’s democracy is entrenched when its citizenry participate actively in its democratic processes. This realisation has been the driving force for democratic nations, including Nigeria, to implement civic education programmes to enlighten the citizenry on civic issues in order to enhance their democratic participation. 

Electoral turnout and voting, which are the cornerstones of the democratic political process, have been on the decrease over the last decades in almost all States in Nigeria. Sokoto State for instance, especially Gada LGA, voter turnout by age in 18 as in Nigeria democracies concludes that a decline in youth voter turnout was a serious and wide spread problem for contemporary democracies (IDEA, 1999). Moreover, in 2019, just some of the electorate in the Gada LGA voted and it was turnout to be the lowest level of voter participation since 1999 (Phelps, 2006). It is added that in recent election, there were several elections in the LGAs of Sokoto State marked by extremely low voter turnout (less than 50%). These include the Gada LGA elections of 2019, the gubernatorial election and presidential election.

This, therefore, explains the reason for which attention is accorded to civic education as illustrated by Galston (2001) as one of the oldest topics in political theory, as a means of promoting democracy especially as espoused by influencing people’s awareness levels of the occurrences around them so that they will develop the interest to participate in political activities.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

It is obvious that if this situation of lower participation voters in election is not checked, it could have negative consequences on the sustainability of democratic governance and the credibility of political leaders elected in such elections since their legitimacy is determined by smaller proportions of the citizenry. Civic education, therefore, is or should be a prime concern for the sustenance of democratic governance. For Branson (1998), it is imperative that educators, policy makers and members of civil society make the case for civic education for all segments of society. This is because the implementation of civic education programmes might influence people’s awareness levels of the occurrences around them so that they will develop the interest to participate in political activities.

 1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The objective study will assess the impact of civic education on political participation. The specific objectives are as follows;

1. To examine the impact of civic education on political participation.

2. To examine the factors leading to the growth of political participation in Nigeria.

3. To examine the wayout to develop people's interest in participation of political activities in Nigeria.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. What are the impacts of civic education on political participation?

2. What are the factors leading to the growth of political participation in Nigeria?

3. What are the wayout to develop people's interest in participation of political activities in Nigeria?

1.5 RESE HYPOTHESIS

Ha. There is a significant relationship between role of civic education and political participation in election process.

H0. There is no significant relationship between role of civic education and political participation in election process.

 1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study will to benefit and consider significant in the following ways: Firstly, it will help decision making organs, institutions to determine the basis for political party formation in Nigeria in order to achieve National integration and good governances in conduction of free and fair Nigeria elections. 

Secondly, invaluably, it will contribute to academic knowledge as regards to function of electoral bodies as their involvement to encourage people to participate in political activities during elections in Nigeria. 

Furthermore, it will create awareness and inspire a sense of responsibility on the electorates/masses on the role expected of them to achieve peaceful election and development of right to vote in any candidate of the choice in Nigeria election.

Finally, it is hoped that this study will add to the existing body of educational research literature, which might be harnessed for further research in this topic and other related studies.

 1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

This research study is limited Gada local governments area of Sokoto state alone where the researcher wants to find out the impact of civil education on political participation in Gada LGA of Sokoto State.

                 CHAPTER TWO

                      LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter reviews literature on conceptual framework and theoretical framework on impact of civil education on political participation in Nigeria. The study will also review the empirical studies and summary and uniqueness of the study.

2.2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

The conceptual framework reviews the followings subheadings:

2.2.1 Civic Education

According to Dahl (2002), civic education is the type of education that fosters youths' democratic attitudes, skills and knowledge to engage and work on important public issues and make democracy a way of life. He adds that civic education aims to equip boys and girls for life in the public realm and engages them in the analysis of major rules and regulations of society, public and private institutions, actors and vital social issues that enable them to find ways to resolve social problems. 

According to him, there are four realms of civic education, including socialization, participation, humanization and faith in democracy and acquisition of knowledge about civic competence. For Dahl (2002), the realm of socialization involves the socialization of youth in terms of learning and the creation of awareness of children and youths about their families and communities, human rights and duties, as well as participation in politics. The participation realm relates to citizens’ engagement in the institutional life of the state, the market, civil society and the achievement of collective consciousness. The humanization realm refers to the public life by which citizens develop an understanding of the national obligations beyond borders, as well as the connections between locality, nationality and humanity. With regard to faith in democracy and acquisition of knowledge about civic competence, Dahl (2002) indicates that it is the process of gaining access to, and influence over, every decision affecting their life, liberty and property. 

In a similar vein, the UNDP Democratic Governance Group (2004) indicates that civic education typically comprises three elements. The first relates to Civic Disposition, which means that citizens develop the confidence to participate in civic life and take up the roles, rights and responsibilities that are associated with citizenship in a democratic system. They also adopt and internalise basic democratic values, such as tolerance and fairness and exercise their rights and responsibilities in a responsible manner. The second relates to civic knowledge, which means that citizens understand their political context and that they know their social, economic, political and civil rights. Thus, they understand how the democratic political system operates and know the roles and responsibilities of ordinary citizens, as well as political leaders. Finally, Civic Skills, which means that citizens acquire the ability to explain, analyse, interact, evaluate, defend a position, and monitor processes and outcomes. That is, they use their knowledge for informed participation in civic and political processes.

The concept, as used in this study, means education for adult citizens that seek to accomplish a number of general goals, such as imparting knowledge about democratic practices and institutions; rights and responsibilities; electoral processes; enlightenment on critical social and economic issues; and encouraging active participation in politics and/or community service.

2.2.2 Political Participation

Huntington and Nelson (1976) define Political Participation as “activity by private citizens designed to influence government decision-making”. For Munroe (2002), political participation is the degree to which citizens are exercising their right to engage in political activities, including staging protests, speaking freely, voting, influencing or getting more actively involved in democratic processes. Similarly, the USAID (2002) broadly defines Political Participation to include a range of activities, such as voting, taking part in community problems solving activities, attending local government meetings, participating in protests, contributing to election campaigns and contacting elected officials.

In the case of Nigeria, Brady (2003) indicates that Political Participation includes giving money (e.g., campaign contributions), giving time (e.g. campaign work, protests, organizational memberships), giving a speech ororganizing a meeting (e.g.campaign events, local boards), writing a letter (e.g., contacting governmental officials or the newspaper), as well as simply going to vote. 

Similarly, while Lamprianou (2013) defines political participation as a set of activities aiming to influence political authority, he also notes that political participationis also often referred to as “political engagement” or “public involvement in decision making”.

Political Participation in this study was considered as the degree to which citizens exercise their right to engagein political activities either directly (e.g., to protest, to demand for rights, to vote, to join political party and contribute to election campaigns, to contest elections, and to contact governmental officials) or indirectly (e.g to influence or to get involved in government or local decision-making through their representatives).

2.3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The theoretical framework reviews the followings subheadings:

2.3.1 Civil Voluntarism Model Theory

The Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) (Verba and Nie, 1972) was used as the theoretical framework to guide this study. Verba et al. (1995) contend that one of the most influential explanative models of Political Participation is the CVM. The model has its origins in the pioneering work of Verba and Nie (1972) in America where they contend that Political Participation is more likely among persons with higher levels of socio-economic resources (such as education or income) than those without them. 

Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980) support this thesis by suggesting that education in particular was found to have a triggering effect on voting.The CVM was later developed by Verba et al. (1995) which continued along the same lines. According to the model, Political Participation is stimulated by three main ‘‘participatory’’ factors, including socioeconomic resources (time or money), engagement (interest or motivation) and mobilisation. Education, political skills and income serve as examples of socio-economic resources that facilitate Political Participation. 

Engagement relates to one’s interest in politics, political knowledge and belief in the capacity to influence politics. Mobilisation refers to the stimulating effects that arise from interaction with other persons in social networks, such as one's affiliation with voluntary organisations or workplace communities (Verba et al, 1995).

The main components of the CVM, as illustrated above, were applied to this study. Engagement was used to determine the extent to which civic education increased participants’ knowledge about political activities thereby stirring up their interest to participate in political activities. Similarly, Socio-economic Resources was employed to determine how civic education induced participants to dedicate their time and money in political activities. Finally, Mobilization was used to measure participants’ participation in political activities as they interacted with others in social networks that were created through exposure to civic education. On the whole, the theory was useful in measuring the effectiveness of civic education in influencing political participation in the study.

2.4 EMPIRICAL STUDY

Many empirical studies support the link between Civic Education and Political Participation (Verba et al. 1995; Delli Carpini and Keeter 1996; Levine and Lopez 2004; Browne 2013). Of course, some studies have also identified negative impacts of Civic Education on some components of Political Participation (Galston 2001; USAID 2002; Finkel and Ernst 2005). Delli Carpini and Keeter (1996), for instance, link political knowledge to political action as they claim that political knowledge contributes to political participation, that is, the construction of citizens’ opinions and political action in relation to citizens’ interests. They further note that significant differences exist among Nigerians’ individual levels of political knowledge. According to them, greater knowledge leads to greater political participation and increased the legitimacy of a democracy. They also contend that political efficacy and trust influence levels of political learning. Similarly, Verba et al. (1995) correlate education to increased civic skills. They claim that primary skills, such as reading and writing, are necessary for political participation and that increased education leads to greater political participation. These studies, therefore, suggest that civic education promotes Political Participation which has been supported by this study as illustrated in the summary of findings of the study.

Galston (2001), however, has indicated that, despite huge increases in the formal educational attainment of the Nigerian’s population during the past 50 years, for instance, levels of political knowledge had barely budged. According to him, today’s college graduates know no more about politics than did high school graduates in 1950. Similarly, Finkel and Earnest (2005) deduce that, despite the proliferation of civic education programmes in the emerging democracies of Latin America, Africa, and Eastern Europe, there have been few recent evaluations of the effectiveness of civics instruction in achieving changes in democratic orientations among student populations. Their findings were based on a study conducted in (1998) that examined the impact of democratic civic education among South African high school students. They used a series of items to gauge democratic orientations, including measures of political knowledge, civic duty, tolerance, institutional trust, civic skills, and approval of legal forms of political participation. (Finkel, 2005).

While the study found that civic education had the largest effects on political knowledge, it also suggested that exposure to civic education had weaker effects on democratic values and skills. For these orientations, what matters are specific factors related to the quality of instruction and the use of active pedagogical methods employed by civics instructors. The results depicted that civic education changed the structure of students’ orientations: democratic values dimension combine more strongly, and in greater distinction, from a political competence dimension among students exposed to civic education than among those with no such training.These findings by Finkel and Earnest (2005) that civic education has weaker effects on democratic values and skills are consistent with those of the USAID’s (2002) suggestion that civic education at times has little effect on changing democratic values, such as political tolerance and trust in political institutions.

2.5 SUMMARY AND UNIQUENESS OF THE STUDY

Political Participation as a result of their exposure to Civic Education has the beneficiaries’ level of engagement in various political activities in the study area mostly ranged from high to moderate levels, with the majority of them having high levels of civic engagement. Thus, a majority of the beneficiaries of Civic Education had high levels of participation in voting in elections, joining a politicalparty, confidence to contest elections, participate in community service and contact government officials. With regard to joining a protest, demanding for rights and commenting on government policies, the respondents had moderate levels of participation. This, therefore, show how Civic Education had contributed to increased civic engagement in citizens’ civic life in the district which is in conformity with the Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) that Civic Education engineers increased Political Participation.

Having review the above, the present study opined that the confirmation that civic education enhances political participation, it is important that civic education targets everybody in Nigeria as mandated by the NCCE. On that basis, civic education should target the whole citizenry from early ages through to adulthood. Thus, the education should be conducted for both schooland out of school persons. For persons in schools, Civic Education Clubs could be organised for them where the personnel of the NCCE could impart civic education to them. In other words, civic education could be incorporated into the school curriculum, and be assigned to the NCCE staff or civic education experts. In the case of children who are not in school, games could be organized based on civic education issues for them. In other words, during or before the start of games that are not civic education related, civic matters could be divulged to them. If this is done properly, it is expected that when such children become adults, they would have enormous knowledge of civic issues that could make them become politically active.

2.6 Reference

Agence  France-Presse.  (2013).  Debate  flares  over  impact civic education on political participation and mobilization  and  other  ‘revolutions’.  Retrieved October  15,  2013,  from http://www.rawstory.com/rs/2013/03/10 debate flares over impact of civic education media on Nigeria electoral vices and other-revolutions.

Aitchison,  J.  (1998).  On  discontinuity  the  continuity-discontinuity  debate. Cambridge  University  Press. 

Akan,  A.  (2013).  Izmir'deki  Twitter  gozaltiılari:  Kac  Tweet'ten  alindin?  Retrieved September  20,  2013,  from http://www.bbc.co.uk/turkce/haberler/2013/07/130731_altug_twitter.shtml Akdeniz,  Y.,  & 

Altiparmak,  K.  (2008).  Retrieved  July  12,  2013,  from  İnternete  Karşı Adnan  Hoca  :  Tüm  Kapatmalar  Hukuka Aykırı: http://www.bianet org/bianet/ifade-ozgurlugu/110319-internete-karsi-adnanhoca-tum-kapatmalar-hukuka-aykiri 

Bollen,  K.  (1989).  Structural Equations with Latent  Variables.  John  Wiley.

                                                  CHAPTER THREE 

                                                  RESEARCH METHOD 

3.1 INTRODUCTION 

This chapter presents the Research design, sample and sampling technique, population of the study, instrument for the study, Development of the instrument, validation of the instrument, Reliability of the instrument, method of data collection and method of data analysis. 

3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN 

The design of the study was used in quasi-experimental design. According to Ali (2006) quasi experimental research design can be used when scheduling and implementation of experimental treatment conditions or randomizations and grouping of subjects are not possible. Thus, designs of experiment which offer less well and less rigorous control compared to true experimental designs are quasi experimental designs. Thus there will be randomization of agents into treatment and control group. The research design is to be used so since the treatment group cannot be adequately controlled. The design helped to find out the impact of civic education on political participation using a case study of Gada LGA of Sokoto state 2019 general election.

3.3 POPULATION OF THE STUDY

The population for the study consists of all local governments in Sokoto state, Nigeria. Having selected them, one out of all local governments were selected by this study which is Gada LGA. Therefore, the researcher targeted the population  which will be selected in order to carry out the research.

3.4 SAMPLE AND SAMPLING TECHNIQUE

One of all the total numbers of local governments in Sokoto state was randomly selected. Gada LGA will be selected by the study in order to get actual population for the study.

3.5 INSTRUMENT FOR DATA COLLECTION  

The instrument for collection of data was a structure questionnaire. Questionnaire titled Respondents' Questionnaire (RQ). The questionnaire  comprised of two sections A and B. Section A represented information on employees' personal data such as age and gender. Section B had information on the impact of civic education on political participation using a case study of Gada LGA of Sokoto state 2019 general election.                         

Section A (socio-demographic data) which is in categorical levels was used as independent variables while section B which is in clustered form has eight questions which was used to measure the research study.

3.5.1 VALIDATION OF THE INSTRUMENT  

 The instrument Respondent Questionnaire (RQ) was subject to face validation by the researcher. For the validation, the researcher examined the instruments with regards to relevance and adequacy, language comprehensiveness of items, appropriateness of content and representativeness of the various dimensions in measuring what they are supposed or expected to measure. The researcher gave comments on the bases of its clarity, item suitability and relevance. However, the comments, suggestions and criticisms make independently by the researcher, helped to modify and produce the final instruments which then subjected to trial testing. The instruments contain twenty (20) items and reduced to ten (7) by the researcher and they are correct in order to reflect the research questions.

3.5.2 RELIABILITY OF THE INSTRUMENT

 The instrument waa trial-tested on another two LGAs in Sokoto state. Five peoples (respondents) were selected; the Questionnaire which has seven items was presented to the them on the examination of the impact of civic education on political participation using a case study of Gada LGA of Sokoto state 2019 general election.

 3.6 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION

The instrument was present to the peoples (respondents) in their various areas. The researcher seek Permission from the respondents before presenting the instrument to them. The researcher engaged with the three (3) research assistants. These research assistants were train by the researcher on how to administer the instrumentsl so as to ensure safe handling and return of the instrument. These research assistants assisted the researcher in both organization and collection of the questionnaire. The researcher briefly explained the questionnaire to the respondents before presenting it to them and assure them of the confidentiality of the information they would give. The researcher waited to collect the instruments as it was filled by the respondents.

3.7 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS 

Questions were analyzed in respect of the percentage rate and difference which was used for testing the research questions. This technique was intend to analyze variability in data in order to infer the inequality among population. It is a statistical procedure concerned with comparing variables of several samples. The purpose was to tested the significant level of the impact of civic education on political participation using a case study of Gada LGA of Sokoto state 2019 general election.                                

Hence, this technique examined potential differences in scores of selected sectors which this study will contain.

CHAPTER FOUR 

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS 

4.1   Introduction 

This chapter attempt to provide the presentation, analysis of all data received from the field through the use of research questionnaire as the instrument used in collecting data from the respondents. The data will be present demographically and non demographically. 

4.2 Section A: Bio Data of Respondents 

Table 4.2.1: Distribution of Respondents Based on Age 

Age Range Frequency Percentage (%)  

18-23 9 15  

24-29 21 35  

30-29 19 32  

36-41 6 10  

41-45 5 8  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field Work, 2019 

The illustration above shown that out of sixty (60) respondents, nine (9) (15%) were within the age of 18-25, while 21 respondents were the  within  the  age  range  of  24-29  were  reading  (35%),  also  19 respondents are within the age of 30-35, (32%) and 6 (six) respondents were  within  the  age  range  of  36-40  reading  (10%)  lastly  5    (five) respondents reading (8%) are within age range of 41-45. The above table shown that voters from the age range of 18-36 are predominantly voters engaged  in  electoral  process  in Gada local government of Sokoto state in  the  2019 general election. 

Table 4.2.2: Distribution based on ethnic group 

Ethnic group Frequency Percentage (%)  

Hausa /Fulani 38 63  

Yoruba  4 7  

Igbo 6 10  

Others 12 20  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

The  above  illustration  has  shown  that  38  (68%)  of  respondents  are Hausa/Fulani.  Then,  4  (7%)  respondents  are  Yoruba,  while  6(10%) respondents  are  Igbo,  lastly,  12  (20%)  respondents  are  from  others tribes. 

This  shows  that  Hausa/Fulani  are  predominantly  inhabitants  of Gada LGA of Sokoto state. 

Table 4.2.3: Distribution based on Marital Status 

Marital Status Frequency Percentage (%)  

Married  26 43  

Single 30 50  

Divorced 4 7  

Separated Nil -  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

The analysis has shown that 26(43%) respondents are married, while 30 (50%) respondents are single and lastly 4(7%) respondents are divorced. Considering the numbers of the respondents, those who are not married are higher on compared to others respondents based on marital status.

Table 4.2.4: Distribution based on Religion 

Religion Frequency Percentage (%)  

Islam 48 80  

Christianity 12 2  

Others Nil -  

Total 60 100  

Source: field work, 2019 

The above illustration shown that 48(80%) respondents are Muslim while 12(20%) respondents are practicing Christianity. 

Table 4.2.5: Distribution based on level of education 

Level of Education  Frequency Percentage (%)  

Primary Nil -  

Secondary 28 47  

Tertiary 32 53  

Qur’anic school Nil -  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

From the above table 28(47%) respondents have secondary certificate while 32(53%) respondents have reached tertiary level. Therefore, the level of education are in place to affect the participations of people during the last general election in Gada LGA Sokoto state. 

Table 4.2.6: Distribution based on occupation 

Occupation Frequency Percentage (%)  

Students 24 47  

Traders 12 20  

Civil servants 8 13  

Others 12 20  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

From the above table 24(47%) respondents are students, then 12(20%) of respondents are traders, while 8 (13%) respondents are civil servants and lastly 12(20%) respondents indicates other occupation. Considering the above illustration majority are students in which they have no any other income.

4.3  Section B: Research Questions 

Table 4.3.1: Distribution based on it respondents participate in the last  general election 

Option Frequency Percentage (%)  

Yes 55 92  

No 5 8  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

The table above indicate that 55(92%) of respondents have participate in the last general election (2019), while 5 were reading (8%) respondents that have not participated. 

Therefore, indication has shown that there is an improvement in the Gada people participation in electoral process compare to other previous election in Sokoto state. 

However,  55  (92%)  respondents  based  on  capacity showed that they  have participated in the last general election while 5 (8%) respondents indicated they have not participated. Therefore, majority of people participated in last general election in Sokoto state were voters according to analysis. 

Table 4.3.2: Distribution based on what influence of education media technology  to their participation in the last general election. 

Option

Influence Factor  Frequency Percentage (%)  

Television 20 33  

Radio 10 17  

Newspaper 11 18  

Twitter 19 32  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

The above table clearly indicates 20 (33%) of respondents who indicated that TV which is one education technology has influenced their participations in the last general election, while, 10(17%) of respondents indicated that they were mobilized through Radio also, 11(32%) of respondents showed that Newspaper has influenced  them and lastly 19(32%) of respondents showed that they were mobilized through their Twitter. Therefore, this clearly indicate TV as a majority played vital role in mobilizing people in participation of the last general election in Sokoto state. 

 Table 4.3.3: Distribution based on how respondents assess the role of civic education  of mobilizing people in political participations of 2019 election process. 

Assessment  Frequency Percentage (%)  

Good 41 68  

Very good 14 23  

Bad 4 7  

Very bad 1 2  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

From the above illustration which indicated that 41(68%) of respondents assesed the role of civic education in election participation as ‘good’ while 14(23%) of respondents assesed as ‘very  good’.  Also  4(7%)  respondents  assesed  role of civic education in election process as ‘bad’ and lastly (12%) of respondents indicated that they assessed the role of civic education bin election process as ‘very bad’ in Sokoto state. 

Table 4.3.4:Distribution based on what normally hinders the electoral participation process. 

Respondents Frequency Percentage (%)  

Ignorance 10 17  

Political depreviation 14 23  

Illiteracy 30 50  

Poverty 6 10  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

The above table shows that 10 (17%) of respondents indicated that ‘ignorance’ were in place to hindered the electoral participation process, while 14(23%) of respondents believed that ‘deprivation’  normally  hindered; aslo. 30(50%) of respondents indicated that illiteracy  hindered  electoral  participation and lastly, 6(10%) of respondents showed that poverty normally hidered electoral process. 

Therefore, the table indicates that majority respondents were on the view that illiteracy was normally a factor that hindered election participation process. 

Table  4.3.5: Distribution based on the departments officials who persuades people's participation  in election.

Response Frequency Percentage (%)  

 INEC official 30 50  

Youth official 19 32  

Non follower 11 18  

Others Nil Nil  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

The above table showed that 30(50%) of respondents indicated that they were INEC officials  who mobilized people through broadcasting on electoral  vices,  while  19(32%)  of respondents indicated that they were youth officials who enlightened through broadcasting or public enlightenment and lastly, 11(18%) of respondents indicated that they were none officials. Therefore, the high majority of the officials who enlightened people to participation in election were the INEC officials.

Table 4.3.7: Distribution based on respondents assessment of the election on the role civil education played by community leaders. 

Assessment  Frequency Percentage (%)  

Good 38 63  

Very good 22 37  

Bad Nil Nil  

Very bad Nil Nil  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

The above table has showed that 38(63%) of respondents who access the role of community leaders in election as ‘good’ while 22(37%) of respondents assesed it as ‘very  good’.  Other variables were ‘Nill’.

Table 4.3.7: Distribution based on respondents assessment of the factor that contributed greatly to the free and fair election. 

Respondents Frequency Percentage (%)  

Media enlightenment 29 48  

Masses 19 32  

Literacy 11 18  

Others  1 2  

Total 60 100  

Source: Field work, 2019 

 The above table clearly indicated that 29(48%) of respondents showed that “media enlightenment played vital role during 2019 electoral process,  while  19(32%) of  respondents  indicates  that  masses played significant role; while 11(18%) of respondents clearly  responded that literacy played big role in  the  electoral  process  and  lastly,  1(2%) of respondents  indicated  others  factors.  However,  the  majority  of respondents had shown that Media enlightenment played vital role in the success of of election during 2019 electoral process.

ompany.

Testing of Hypothesis

Using formula

Z = P B P

P-P

n

          Where

P = The sample  proportion = 81

n = Sample size = 22 P = The hypothesized (population) proportion = 5

81.5

(.5) (.5)

22

From the normal distribution table, Zx = 0.05 = 1.64

Decision rule B We reject Ho Z B Zx since Z = 2.89 is > Zx, we reject Ho and accept Hi which means that there is a significant relationship between role of civic education and political participation in election process.

Under alternative hypotheses

Factors Responses Percentage(%)

Yes 20 90%

No 2 10%

Total 22 100%

Source: Field Survey, 2019

Using the above formula

=       P B P

P-P

n

= 909 - .5

(.5) (.5)

22

Z = 3.82 while Zx = 1.648 from  distribution table. Z > Zx i.e. 3.82 > 1.648

The researcher accepted Ha (alternative hypothesis) as it claimed that there is a significant relationship between civic education and political participation in election process.

Under Null hypotheses

There is no significant relationship between the role of civic education and political participation in election process.

Factors Responses Percentage(%)

Yes 15 68%

No 7 32%

Total 22 100%

Source: Field Survey, 2019

Using the above formula

= P B P

P-P

n

Where

P = 68 = 68 - .5

P = .05 = (.5) (.5

n = 22 = 22

= 1.68

= 1.68, Zx = 1.645

We therefore reject Ho if Z > Zx as it claimed that There is no significant relationship between civic education  and political participation in election process.

                                            CHAPTER FIVE 

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 

5.1  Summary of Findings 

The findings of this research indicated the majority of respondents who their age range of twenty four years to twenty nine (24-29), which constituted the highest percentage. Moreover, majority of the respondents showed their ethnic groups, as Hausa/Fulani, while the analysis also revealed that most of the respondents on their marital status as singles; analysis also showed that, majority of respondents practiced Islam as their religion; and majority of respondents reponded based on their educational status as under-gone-secondary and tertiary education and the highest majority of respondents are students. 

Likewise,  the  research  findings,  revealed  that  majority  of respondents that participated in the last general election as  voters. The  majority  of  the  respondents revealed that they were influenced by education media technology to participate in the last general election with reference to table (4.3.3)  which revealed that respondents’ indication to the people participation in the last general election due to the role of TV media mobilization. 

However, research findings also showed that majority of respondents indicated iilliteracy was in place that hindered the people’s participation in the last general  election.  Consequently,  the  research  findings also showed that, majority of the respondents indicated that they were INEC officials who enlightened people for electoral vices, in the last general election through broadcasting. 

5.2  Conclusion  

Lack of political participation and inadequate knowledge or information on electoral process, coupled with low level of depriviation, unemployment, electoral violence and absence of free and fair elections are in place to affect the people interest in the electoral process in Sokoto metropolis. Consequently, more of people participated in the last general election in Sokoto metropolis as a result of the role of civic education played by community leaders in motivation of people. It is therefore, necessary for all stakeholders in the electoral process to appropriate specific the role of civic education to the people. They need to be guided and sport in the initiatives and interest in public and  political causes. This is necessary  to  sustain  the  democratic  culture  while  educating  and empowering the manifest needed leadership attribute that would prepare them for a better society in future.

5.3  Recommendations

Considering the outcome of the research findings the following recommendations are hereby made in order to increase the participation of  people in electoral process in Sokoto metropolis. There is need for government and Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to accord much priority toward increasing turn out youth in electoral process. 

There  is  also  need  for  government  and Non-governmental organizations  to  adopt other aspect of knowledge not only civic education to   increase  people's participation during  the electoral process. 

 Nevertheless,  there  is  need  for  government  and  civil  society  to  organize regular educational programmes i.e capacity building in social media, mass media and every part of Sokoto state in which they described how electoral participation can help the people.

 Those who are educated among the prople should volunteer to  educate and advice others on the importance of their participations and problem of electoral vices through Public enlightenment, Mass Media and Social networks organization in order to continue  educating, enlightening and informing people to participate in electoral process. 

There is need for political elite to stay away from money politics that could easily influences people into electoral vices. There is need for government to eradicate poverty among people, through job creation so as to allow successful electoral process to take place. 

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