CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1. Background of the study

Democracy is a cherished form of government because of the values it promotes and protects. The existence of the rule of law, equality of all citizens, supremacy of the constitution, fundamental human rights, separation of powers, periodic elections, and other characteristics of democracy have contributed to its popularity as the most popular form of government (Olakunle, and Modupe 2015). Among these, periodic elections appear to be a veritable feature for measuring the strength of democracy. Periodic elections allow citizens to exercise their right to vote by electing the supreme lawmakers and executives on a regular basis.

Evidently, in all democratic nations around the world, voting plays a special role in conferring legitimacy to the elected government, especially when eligible voters express their right to govern themselves by electing who will rule them. Voting is extremely important not only in national elections, but also in many institutions, both private and public. However, voting has been used to solve a serious problem of selecting leaders in many nations, institutions, and private domains, particularly where the process is not characterised by fraud. On the other hand ,the management body in charge of elections has a large influence on whether elections are credible, free, and fair. In fact, the importance of Election Management Bodies (EMBs) in all democracies cannot be overstated. Election success is primarily determined by the effectiveness and efficiency of the election management bodies. Several election management bodies have existed in Nigeria since before independence, primarily to improve the quality of elections in the country. Despite changes in the nomenclature of election management bodies, election management remains an Achilles' heel in Nigeria's political development. According to studies, electoral violence resulting from poorly managed elections in Nigeria has continued to undermine democratic consolidation due to the inadequacy of measures adopted to manage electoral violence (Onapaja, 2015). Again, neoliberal market reforms implemented by successive regimes since the country's transition to democracy have been blamed for alienating the country's popular masses from elections (Bolaji, 2015). Nonetheless, the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria were a huge success, especially in terms of election management and the incumbent's unprecedented successful handover of power to an opposition party. While lauding the 2023 electoral outcome, Onapaja (2023) argued persuasively that the success of the 2023 general elections is a direct result of the electoral reforms implemented by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Furthermore, INEC's introduction of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) and Card Readers was regarded as a watershed moment that reduced electoral fraud and wasted time (Olakunle & Modupe, 2015). In contrast, Uhembe (2023) stated that, despite INEC's stellar performance during the 2023 General Elections, the distribution of PVCs and timely movement of election materials to the appropriate destinations had a negative impact on election management.

1.2 Statement of the problem

The just completed 2023 Nigerian presidential elections marked a turning point in the nation's political history by allowing a wide range of candidates to compete for federal and state legislative offices without an established incumbent in those positions. Nevertheless, Ogheneakoke, (2023) opined that the election was held against a backdrop of intense hostilities between political parties (APC,LP,PD, and NNPP) as well as a number of converging security issues that impact every area of Nigeria and the regular holding of elections. On the issue of PVCs distribution, INEC stipulated that PVC distribution were to be done at the Polling Unit on specified dates. It added that voters who were unable to collect their PVCs during the specified dates shall collect from the INEC office in the LGA. This system put in place by INEC for the distribution of the PVCs failed to take cognizance of certain classes of voters who may change their location after voters registration but before PVC collection. This mechanism proved problematic to the extent that voters who had changed their locations after registration found it almost impossible to collect their PVCs. Thus, despite INEC‟s strong pronouncements on its readiness to conduct elections as scheduled in February, it suffered serious shortcomings like extensive undercollection of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs), reallocation of polling unit and incomplete distribution of election materials at polling units (EU EOM, 2023). As a result of this lapse in distribution mechanism put in place by INEC, a lot of eligible voters were technically disenfranchised because of inability to locate their polling unit. Furthermore, elections in Nigeria remain a labour intensive project considering the poor level of technological development and insecurity challenges that warrants drafting of large number of security personnel to sensitive locations during the election. This labour intensive nature of election necessitated the use of large number of ad hoc staff by INEC during elections. Much as INEC‟s dependence on ad hoc staff is on its own an institutional challenge (Boloaji, 2015), it should be noted that no mechanism is put in place to ensure voting by these ad hoc staff who are eligible voters but would not vote during elections because of the nature of their involvement in the elections. This means they would be technically disenfranchised because of the role they would play in the elections. Against this backdrop the study seeks to causes and effect of disenfranchisement of voters (a study of 2023 general elections in Nigeria).

1.3 Objective of the study

The broad objective of this study focuses on the causes and effect of disenfranchisement of voters (a study of 2023 general elections in Nigeria). Other specific objectives of the study includes:

1. To investigate the level of disenfranchisement of voters prevalent in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria.

2. To ascertain the causes of voter’s disenfranchisement in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria.

3. To explore the effect of voter’s disenfranchisement in 2023 general elections Nigeria.

4. To make recommendations that will be useful for improving electoral process in subsequent election.

1.4 Research Question

1. What is the level of disenfranchisement of voters prevalent in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria?

2. What are the causes of voter’s disenfranchisement in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria?

3. What are the effect of voter’s disenfranchisement in 2023 general elections Nigeria?

4. What strategies can be useful for improving the Nigeria electoral process to limit voter's disenfranchisement in Nigeria.

1.5 Significance of the study

The implicated institutional lapses in the massive disenfranchisement of eligible voters in 2023 general election has been brought to limelight. Findings of this study will be useful to the election management board as it would encourage INEC to develop framework that enables every eligible registered voter to exercise his/her franchise in future elections.This study will be significant to the government as it will be exposed to the several atrocities committed by political party gents during election, thereby deploying security agents to allow for the protection of ballot papers and voters respectively.

1.6 Scope of the study

The scope of this study borders on on the causes and effect of disenfranchisement of voters (a study of 2023 general elections in Nigeria). The study will further investigate the level of disenfranchisement of voters prevalent in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria and make recommendations that will be useful for improving electoral process in subsequent election. The study is however delimited to INEC staffs in Abuja who will form the participant for the study.

1.7 Limitation of the study

The researchers encountered slight constraints while carrying out the study. The significant constraint was the scanty literature on the subject owing that credible election discourse is vast thus the researcher incurred more financial expenses and much time was required in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature, or information and in the process of data collection, which is why the researcher resorted to a limited choice of sample size covering only INEC staff in Abuja. Thus findings of this study cannot be used for generalization for other states within Nigeria. Additionally, the researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work will impede maximum devotion to the research. Howbeit, despite the constraint encountered during the research, all factors were downplayed in other to give the best and make the research successful.

1.8 Definition of terms

Electorate: This includes all the people in a country or area who are entitled to vote in an election.

Disenfranchisement: The restriction of suffrage (the right to vote) of a person or group of people, or a practice that has the effect of preventing a person exercising the right to vote.

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